Monday, April 21, 2008
Drugs, Dance and Music: Evolution and Culture
Contemporary dance music has many forms. Just as rock 'n' defined its own culture and norms, electronic music has also splintered off into a postmodern cornucopia of sound (Kotarba 2008). Dance, its earliest roots in disco music, has become a genre fueling a club and rave culture all its own (Kotarba 2007).
Electronic dance music is unique for many reasons. Simon Reynolds cited thirteen different characteristics of the music in his "Historia Electronica Preface," several of which are worth noting here (2005). First, dance music tends to focus more on texture and rhythm rather than melody and harmony (Reynolds 2005). This makes aesthetically logical sense, since it is created to promote physicality. Much of rave music is produced specifically to be played over massive sound systems in clubs, equipped with large dance floors to facilitate movement (Reynolds 2005). Like pop music, it engages the listener, but in such a way that arguably no other form of music does (Reynolds 2005).
Reynolds points out that one characteristic of electronic music is its emphasis on sound more than visual elements (2005). This goes hand in hand with the fact that members of the scene are generally faceless (Reynolds 2005). Though it is true that some producers are more of a novelty than others and are respected globally, such as John Digweed, members of the rave scene overall are anonymous (Reynolds 2005). When a DJ takes a stage at a club, the overall experience of the crowd is emphasized more than say, at a rock show, where fans might be more inclined to see a certain artist (Reynolds 2005).
Also, with ever-changing sound movements in the scene, Reynolds postulates that in the eyes of dancers, who are the majority of consumers of the genre, one who mixes is only as good as his latest track (2005). Also, in the mixing realm, innovations are not necessarily identified with a certain figure in the scene or sound; a free flow of ideas is most important, with the music at the center of a seemingly communal environment, where ideas can be shared and reproduced, and patrons do not frown upon it, because it is accepted and moreover expected (Reynolds 2005).
However, one thing rave music does have in common with its predecessors is the known use of drugs to accompany the music, and aid to its specific form of cultural union: the club scene (Kotarba 2008). After 70s disco started to die down in the early 80s, electronic music still had a place to call home in clubs (Kotarba 2007). By the early and mid-80s, DJ's in the United States began to experiment and play with sounds coming out of Europe (Brackett 2005). The blend of their spin on music created by acts overseas such as Kraftwerk melded sound to create techno out of house, and later, acid house (Brackett 2005). The sounds fragmented even further as the United States caught up with Europe and began to trade influences in the scene, including progressive, hard trance, industrial, jungle, dub-step, and countless others (Brackett 2005).
It is evident that marijuana played a role in the early blues scene, as did heroine with jazz (Kotarba 2007). On the same thread, marijuana, amphetamines, LSD and alcohol, among others, contributed to the development of the 60s rock 'n' roll scene and then lent to 70s disco, but one drug distinguishes itself from the others in rave culture: ecstasy (Kotarba 2007).
Although marijuana, methamphetamines, and others were certainly present in rave culture, ecstasy was the drug of choice for the majority (Kotarba 2007). And just as in the past when musical trends correlated positively with drug use, a new way of communicating about drug experience and music sharing evolved out of the scene: drugmusictalk (Kotarba 2008). Drugmusictalk existed in past scenes as well, for example, when blues singers sang in metaphors about their experiences, or when 80s rappers brought the discussion of crack cocaine into the mainstream (Kotarba 2008). But the advent of the Internet in the 90s and in the last decade has provided an even more specialized forum for ravers and party kids, as well as producers, to have a safe environment to speak freely about an underground, and largely illegal scene (Kotarba 2007).
Drugmusictalk is used online in several ways. First, the most obvious reason, is to talk about the music itself (Kotarba 2007). Another way it is used is as a forum for sharing drug experiences in the context of music (Kotarba 2007). "I prefer to take pills to enhance the music and the dancing when I go out. I usually start off on a whole then take have to keep the peak up until I start the downward spiral," one participant said (Kotarba 2007: 179). Those who post also do so not only a means to talk about drug music experiences on the surface, but also as they effect their individual lives (Kotarba 2008).
What should be clear is that none of these forms of drugmusictalk are mutually exclusive (Kotarba 2008). They oftentimes overlap. On one hand, a site member might write about a certain DJ, or the way the bass felt on the dance floor under the influence of ecstasy, but on the same note, might speak of the effect the drug music experience had on a personal relationship (Kotarba 2007). Drugmusictalk also evolved out of a need to discuss the various subgenres of electronic music, along with the fact that certain forms became popular with the rise of certain drugs, or were preferred as sounds to compliment the use of certain drugs. For example, one respondent recommended combining hardcore or drum 'n' bass with amphetamines, stating, "The sped up basslines parallel the sped up nature of the drug" (Kotarba 2007: 190). Music was also cited as a way to moderate moods, and focus on certain elements of the designer drug experience, as another user posted, "'Chick music' (Sarah McLachlan, Tori Amos, etc.) are good for home experiences with one other friend. This makes the experience very calming, less chaotic, and quite personal" (Kotarba 2007: 189).
In conclusion, drugmusictalk has a history in that since at least the beginning of the 20th Century, drugs and music have been highly correlated (Kotarba 2007). Although music, fashion and taste can largely depend on one's social class, all music has its drug to counterpart, whether a high-brow upper class person drinking wine while listening to classical music, or someone who lives in the Dirty South below the poverty level drinking syrup and listening to DJ Screw (Kotarba 2008).
The Internet has opened up the table for social bonding via drugmusictalk by providing forums and allowing for anonymous communication to give us a window to observe this world of drugs, music, and culture like no other phenomenon has before.
Works Cited
Brackett, David. 2005, "The Pop, Rock and Soul Reader: Histories and Debates. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Kotarba, Joseph. 2008. From "Drug Music" lecture at the University of Houston.
Joseph Kotarba. 2007. "Music as a Feature of the On-Line Discussion of Illegal Club Drugs." From Murguía, Edward, Melissa Tackett, and Ann LessemBook. Real Drugs in a Virtual World: Drug Discourse and Community Online. Lexington Books. 173-191.
Simon Reynolds. 2005. "Historia Electronica Preference." From Bracket, David. The Pop, Rock and Soul Reader: Histories and Debates. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 483-492.
Contemporary dance music has many forms. Just as rock 'n' defined its own culture and norms, electronic music has also splintered off into a postmodern cornucopia of sound (Kotarba 2008). Dance, its earliest roots in disco music, has become a genre fueling a club and rave culture all its own (Kotarba 2007).
Electronic dance music is unique for many reasons. Simon Reynolds cited thirteen different characteristics of the music in his "Historia Electronica Preface," several of which are worth noting here (2005). First, dance music tends to focus more on texture and rhythm rather than melody and harmony (Reynolds 2005). This makes aesthetically logical sense, since it is created to promote physicality. Much of rave music is produced specifically to be played over massive sound systems in clubs, equipped with large dance floors to facilitate movement (Reynolds 2005). Like pop music, it engages the listener, but in such a way that arguably no other form of music does (Reynolds 2005).
Reynolds points out that one characteristic of electronic music is its emphasis on sound more than visual elements (2005). This goes hand in hand with the fact that members of the scene are generally faceless (Reynolds 2005). Though it is true that some producers are more of a novelty than others and are respected globally, such as John Digweed, members of the rave scene overall are anonymous (Reynolds 2005). When a DJ takes a stage at a club, the overall experience of the crowd is emphasized more than say, at a rock show, where fans might be more inclined to see a certain artist (Reynolds 2005).
Also, with ever-changing sound movements in the scene, Reynolds postulates that in the eyes of dancers, who are the majority of consumers of the genre, one who mixes is only as good as his latest track (2005). Also, in the mixing realm, innovations are not necessarily identified with a certain figure in the scene or sound; a free flow of ideas is most important, with the music at the center of a seemingly communal environment, where ideas can be shared and reproduced, and patrons do not frown upon it, because it is accepted and moreover expected (Reynolds 2005).
However, one thing rave music does have in common with its predecessors is the known use of drugs to accompany the music, and aid to its specific form of cultural union: the club scene (Kotarba 2008). After 70s disco started to die down in the early 80s, electronic music still had a place to call home in clubs (Kotarba 2007). By the early and mid-80s, DJ's in the United States began to experiment and play with sounds coming out of Europe (Brackett 2005). The blend of their spin on music created by acts overseas such as Kraftwerk melded sound to create techno out of house, and later, acid house (Brackett 2005). The sounds fragmented even further as the United States caught up with Europe and began to trade influences in the scene, including progressive, hard trance, industrial, jungle, dub-step, and countless others (Brackett 2005).
It is evident that marijuana played a role in the early blues scene, as did heroine with jazz (Kotarba 2007). On the same thread, marijuana, amphetamines, LSD and alcohol, among others, contributed to the development of the 60s rock 'n' roll scene and then lent to 70s disco, but one drug distinguishes itself from the others in rave culture: ecstasy (Kotarba 2007).
Although marijuana, methamphetamines, and others were certainly present in rave culture, ecstasy was the drug of choice for the majority (Kotarba 2007). And just as in the past when musical trends correlated positively with drug use, a new way of communicating about drug experience and music sharing evolved out of the scene: drugmusictalk (Kotarba 2008). Drugmusictalk existed in past scenes as well, for example, when blues singers sang in metaphors about their experiences, or when 80s rappers brought the discussion of crack cocaine into the mainstream (Kotarba 2008). But the advent of the Internet in the 90s and in the last decade has provided an even more specialized forum for ravers and party kids, as well as producers, to have a safe environment to speak freely about an underground, and largely illegal scene (Kotarba 2007).
Drugmusictalk is used online in several ways. First, the most obvious reason, is to talk about the music itself (Kotarba 2007). Another way it is used is as a forum for sharing drug experiences in the context of music (Kotarba 2007). "I prefer to take pills to enhance the music and the dancing when I go out. I usually start off on a whole then take have to keep the peak up until I start the downward spiral," one participant said (Kotarba 2007: 179). Those who post also do so not only a means to talk about drug music experiences on the surface, but also as they effect their individual lives (Kotarba 2008).
What should be clear is that none of these forms of drugmusictalk are mutually exclusive (Kotarba 2008). They oftentimes overlap. On one hand, a site member might write about a certain DJ, or the way the bass felt on the dance floor under the influence of ecstasy, but on the same note, might speak of the effect the drug music experience had on a personal relationship (Kotarba 2007). Drugmusictalk also evolved out of a need to discuss the various subgenres of electronic music, along with the fact that certain forms became popular with the rise of certain drugs, or were preferred as sounds to compliment the use of certain drugs. For example, one respondent recommended combining hardcore or drum 'n' bass with amphetamines, stating, "The sped up basslines parallel the sped up nature of the drug" (Kotarba 2007: 190). Music was also cited as a way to moderate moods, and focus on certain elements of the designer drug experience, as another user posted, "'Chick music' (Sarah McLachlan, Tori Amos, etc.) are good for home experiences with one other friend. This makes the experience very calming, less chaotic, and quite personal" (Kotarba 2007: 189).
In conclusion, drugmusictalk has a history in that since at least the beginning of the 20th Century, drugs and music have been highly correlated (Kotarba 2007). Although music, fashion and taste can largely depend on one's social class, all music has its drug to counterpart, whether a high-brow upper class person drinking wine while listening to classical music, or someone who lives in the Dirty South below the poverty level drinking syrup and listening to DJ Screw (Kotarba 2008).
The Internet has opened up the table for social bonding via drugmusictalk by providing forums and allowing for anonymous communication to give us a window to observe this world of drugs, music, and culture like no other phenomenon has before.
Works Cited
Brackett, David. 2005, "The Pop, Rock and Soul Reader: Histories and Debates. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Kotarba, Joseph. 2008. From "Drug Music" lecture at the University of Houston.
Joseph Kotarba. 2007. "Music as a Feature of the On-Line Discussion of Illegal Club Drugs." From Murguía, Edward, Melissa Tackett, and Ann LessemBook. Real Drugs in a Virtual World: Drug Discourse and Community Online. Lexington Books. 173-191.
Simon Reynolds. 2005. "Historia Electronica Preference." From Bracket, David. The Pop, Rock and Soul Reader: Histories and Debates. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 483-492.
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